展示建物與祭儀空間的神聖轉位：無土無村無屋無節慶之當代北海道愛努族的認同機制

Abstract

儀式展演是一個族群對自我文化的強化性認可。過去百年極端同化時期，所有公共祭典都無法舉行，愛努族人仍不放棄地在家遂行祖先供養儀式。今日，愛努係一無土無村無屋無慶典節日的族群，惟其個人成員，多會如實參與祖先祭儀呼喚。祭典儀式的文化復振在一般研究紀錄上極為常見，而愛努族的例子最為特殊者，就是觀光展示屋的轉為儀式屋繼而神聖化。母語所稱之Kotan(村)與chise(屋)被親切的呼喚使用，並很快地成為眾多族人朗朗上口之彼此認同身分的關鍵語彙。此等新村落與新家屋或稱新儀式建屋，顯得愈形重要。它讓族人找回了傳統建築文化，並且實踐了應有正確室內祭儀場所之文化需求。換句話說，相較於社區生活館樓房和現代形制住屋，依傳統樣態建造的戶外博物館展示建築，最為接近文化真實性。今天，縱使愛努已被承認為先住民族，但，大社會對於愛努仍是冷漠，政府亦從未有納入該族傳統為國家文化之一環的動機，百年悲情之後，今日能夠象徵性地「佔有/領有」展示屋，並賦予祭儀神聖性，對於無土無村無屋無節慶的愛努族人而言，總是往族群的希望躍進了一大步。

In general an ethnic group strengthens self-identity through well-kept ritual performances. For the Ainu in Hokkaido, Japan, although almost of all public ceremonies had been prohibited they secretly continued practicing ancestral worship ritual at home during the era of severe assimilation policy by the Japanese government. Since the late 18th century, the rulers deprived the Ainu of lands and destroyed all natural villages in their territory. But the people grasped any possible opportunity to hold rituals of offering food and liquor to their ancestors. In present times some traditional public ceremonies have been gradually revived, while the crucial part of their activities remains the ancestral worship ritual. Activists of cultural revival movements often claim to have restored lost festivals, ceremonies, or rituals. Indeed the Ainu activists had contended that all traditional public rituals should return. But what they have done to transform particular buildings displayed for tourists in outdoor museum into sacralized space for holding ancestral worship rituals. In Hokkaido the museums with Ainu culture exhibits always come with several independent old-fashioned houses nearby. And many of them have been sacralized and called traditional names such as kotan (village/community) and chise (house/home) by the Ainu. In contrast to those modern buildings these ancient styled houses are considered much closer to cultural authenticity. The Ainu have been recognized as Japan's indigenous people since 2008 but mainstream society is still very indifferent to the Ainu situation. The newly-identified indigenes adopt alternative strategies to ＂occupy＂ or ＂own＂ traditional houses at the very moment of worshipping ancestors under the circumstance of losing their original territory and facing a landless daily life.