标题: 汉语中带一点儿/一些的超越型比较句
The Exceed Comparative with Yi-dianer/Yi-xie in Mandarin Chinese
作者: 陈铃宓
Chen, Ling-Mi
刘辰生
Liu, Chen-Sheng
外国语文学系外国文学与语言学硕士班
关键字: 度量词组;程度副词;反循环合并;隐形动词后缀;间距论元;measure phrase;degree adverb;countercyclic merger;covert verbal suffix;interval argument
公开日期: 2008
摘要: 本篇论文主要探讨汉语的“X稍微A Y一点儿/一些”比较句在句法上的表现与语意上的诠释。这类比较句具有其独特的表现。例如,度量词组“一点儿/一些”和程度副词“稍微”之间有选择限制,但是彼此不相邻。此外,度量词组“一点儿/一些”必须出现,而程度副词“稍微”和作为比较对象的指示名词组可以被删略。
本篇论文主要讨论下列几个问题。第一,如何在结构中呈现度量词组“一点儿/一些”和程度副词“稍微”之间的选择限制以及不相邻性。第二,为什么在“X稍微A Y一点儿/一些”比较句中度量词组“一点儿/一些”必须出现。第三,为什么在“X稍微A Y一点儿/一些”比较句中程度副词“稍微”可以被删略。第四,为什么在“X稍微A Y一点儿/一些”比较句中作为比较对象的指示名词组可以被删略。
本篇论文采用Bhatt & Pancheva (2004)对英语比较句的分析方法和Liu (2007)对汉语“X A (Y) D”比较句的分析方法,并且提议度量词组“一点儿/一些”应被视为变量而由一个加接至ExP的隐形量化运符所约束,之后程度副词“稍微”以反循环的方式合并成为隐形量化运符的补语。与否定极项和A-不-A运符的干涉效应有关的证据支持了此项提议。此外,程度副词“稍微”作为隐形量化运符的论元可以被删略。接着,本篇论文采用Liu (2007) 对汉语“X A (Y) D”比较句的分析方法,并且提议“X稍微A Y一点儿/一些”比较句带有隐形动词后缀 –ex,这个动词后缀是由与之相对应的显形动词后缀“-过”语法化而来。语法化使得隐形动词后缀 –ex的语意内容被消除以致于 –ex 无法做一个够强的谓语来限制形容词的间距论元,而且 –ex 的及物性也变弱。因此,在“X稍微A Y一点儿/一些”比较句中,度量词组“一点儿/一些”作为可以限制间距论元的唯一可能候补者必须出现,而作为比较对象的指示名词组可以被删略。最后,本篇论文认为虽然表示程度浅的第二类程度副词和表示程度深的第三类程度副词在格式I至格式IV的比较句式中都可以和度量词组“一点儿/一些”共现,但是这些程度副词在此真正的作用是在限制形容词的间距论元,所以和度量词组“一点儿/一些”之间并不存在真正的选择关系(参照Lu & Ma 1999)。相同的现象也出现在带有“比”-成分和度量词组“一点儿/一些”的“比”字比较句中。
The purpose of this thesis is to study the syntactic representation and semantic interpretation of the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative. This type of comparative has its unique syntactic and semantic properties. More specifically, there are selectional restrictions between the measure phrase yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ and the degree adverb shaowei ‘slightly’, but it is not possible for yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ and shaowei ‘slightly’ to appear together. Beside, yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ is obligatorily required while shaowei ‘slightly’ and the referential NP functioning as the target of comparison are optionally required.
In this thesis, we deal with the following questions that any analysis of the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative must address: First, how can we accommodate the selectional restrictions between yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ and shaowei ‘slightly’ as well as the obligatory nonadjacency between yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ and shaowei ‘slightly’ in a single structure? Second, why is yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ obligatorily required in the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative? Third, why is shaowei ‘slightly’ optionally required in the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative? Fourth, why is the referential NP functioning as the target of comparison optionally required in the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative?
Following Bhatt and Pancheva’s (2004) analysis of English comparatives and Liu’s (2007) analysis of the X A (Y) D comparative, we propose that shaowei ‘slightly’ is merged countercyclically as the complement of the covert quantificational operator binding yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’, which is treated as a variable, after the covert quantificational operator adjoins to ExP. This proposal is supported by the evidence related to intervention effects on NPIs and A-not-A operators. Moreover, shaowei ‘slightly’, which is the syntactic argument of the covert quantificational operator, is optionally required in the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative. Then, following Liu’s (2007) analysis of the X A (Y) D comparative, we propose that the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative contains the covert verbal suffix –ex, which is grammaticalized from its overt counterpart –guo ‘exceed’. Grammaticalization makes the semantic content of –ex bleached to such an extent that –ex cannot function as a predicate strong enough to restrict the interval argument of the adjective. This makes yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’, which is the only expression available to restrict the interval argument of the adjective, obligatorily required in the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative. Grammaticalization also makes the semantic content of the covert verbal suffix –ex so bleached that the transitivity force of –ex is weak. This makes the referential NP functioning as the target of comparison optionally required in the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative. Finally, we argue that although both degree adverbs belonging to the weak group of the second type and degree adverbs belonging to the strong group of the third type can take yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ as a post-adjectival pseudo-object in Type I-IV comparative constructions, these degree adverbs restrict the interval argument of the adjective instead of having a selectional relation with yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ (see Lu and Ma 1999). Likewise, in Chinese bi comparatives which contain the bi-constituent and yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’, the degree adverb saturates the interval argument of the adjective rather than have a selectional relation with yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’.
URI: http://140.113.39.130/cdrfb3/record/nctu/#GT079545518
http://hdl.handle.net/11536/41370
显示于类别:Thesis


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