漢語中帶一點兒/一些的超越型比較句

Abstract

本篇論文主要探討漢語的「X稍微A Y一點兒/一些」比較句在句法上的表現與語意上的詮釋。這類比較句具有其獨特的表現。例如，度量詞組「一點兒/一些」和程度副詞「稍微」之間有選擇限制，但是彼此不相鄰。此外，度量詞組「一點兒/一些」必須出現，而程度副詞「稍微」和作為比較對象的指示名詞組可以被刪略。 本篇論文主要討論下列幾個問題。第一，如何在結構中呈現度量詞組「一點兒/一些」和程度副詞「稍微」之間的選擇限制以及不相鄰性。第二，為什麼在「X稍微A Y一點兒/一些」比較句中度量詞組「一點兒/一些」必須出現。第三，為什麼在「X稍微A Y一點兒/一些」比較句中程度副詞「稍微」可以被刪略。第四，為什麼在「X稍微A Y一點兒/一些」比較句中作為比較對象的指示名詞組可以被刪略。 本篇論文採用Bhatt & Pancheva (2004)對英語比較句的分析方法和Liu (2007)對漢語「X A (Y) D」比較句的分析方法，並且提議度量詞組「一點兒/一些」應被視為變量而由一個加接至ExP的隱形量化運符所約束，之後程度副詞「稍微」以反循環的方式合併成為隱形量化運符的補語。與否定極項和A-不-A運符的干涉效應有關的證據支持了此項提議。此外，程度副詞「稍微」作為隱形量化運符的論元可以被刪略。接著，本篇論文採用Liu (2007) 對漢語「X A (Y) D」比較句的分析方法，並且提議「X稍微A Y一點兒/一些」比較句帶有隱形動詞後綴 –ex，這個動詞後綴是由與之相對應的顯形動詞後綴「-過」語法化而來。語法化使得隱形動詞後綴 –ex的語意內容被消除以致於 –ex 無法做一個夠強的謂語來限制形容詞的間距論元，而且 –ex 的及物性也變弱。因此，在「X稍微A Y一點兒/一些」比較句中，度量詞組「一點兒/一些」作為可以限制間距論元的唯一可能候補者必須出現，而作為比較對象的指示名詞組可以被刪略。最後，本篇論文認為雖然表示程度淺的第二類程度副詞和表示程度深的第三類程度副詞在格式I至格式IV的比較句式中都可以和度量詞組「一點兒/一些」共現，但是這些程度副詞在此真正的作用是在限制形容詞的間距論元，所以和度量詞組「一點兒/一些」之間並不存在真正的選擇關係(參照Lu & Ma 1999)。相同的現象也出現在帶有「比」-成分和度量詞組「一點兒/一些」的「比」字比較句中。

The purpose of this thesis is to study the syntactic representation and semantic interpretation of the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative. This type of comparative has its unique syntactic and semantic properties. More specifically, there are selectional restrictions between the measure phrase yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ and the degree adverb shaowei ‘slightly’, but it is not possible for yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ and shaowei ‘slightly’ to appear together. Beside, yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ is obligatorily required while shaowei ‘slightly’ and the referential NP functioning as the target of comparison are optionally required. In this thesis, we deal with the following questions that any analysis of the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative must address: First, how can we accommodate the selectional restrictions between yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ and shaowei ‘slightly’ as well as the obligatory nonadjacency between yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ and shaowei ‘slightly’ in a single structure? Second, why is yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ obligatorily required in the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative? Third, why is shaowei ‘slightly’ optionally required in the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative? Fourth, why is the referential NP functioning as the target of comparison optionally required in the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative? Following Bhatt and Pancheva’s (2004) analysis of English comparatives and Liu’s (2007) analysis of the X A (Y) D comparative, we propose that shaowei ‘slightly’ is merged countercyclically as the complement of the covert quantificational operator binding yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’, which is treated as a variable, after the covert quantificational operator adjoins to ExP. This proposal is supported by the evidence related to intervention effects on NPIs and A-not-A operators. Moreover, shaowei ‘slightly’, which is the syntactic argument of the covert quantificational operator, is optionally required in the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative. Then, following Liu’s (2007) analysis of the X A (Y) D comparative, we propose that the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative contains the covert verbal suffix –ex, which is grammaticalized from its overt counterpart –guo ‘exceed’. Grammaticalization makes the semantic content of –ex bleached to such an extent that –ex cannot function as a predicate strong enough to restrict the interval argument of the adjective. This makes yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’, which is the only expression available to restrict the interval argument of the adjective, obligatorily required in the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative. Grammaticalization also makes the semantic content of the covert verbal suffix –ex so bleached that the transitivity force of –ex is weak. This makes the referential NP functioning as the target of comparison optionally required in the X shaowei A Y yi-dianer/yi-xie comparative. Finally, we argue that although both degree adverbs belonging to the weak group of the second type and degree adverbs belonging to the strong group of the third type can take yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ as a post-adjectival pseudo-object in Type I-IV comparative constructions, these degree adverbs restrict the interval argument of the adjective instead of having a selectional relation with yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’ (see Lu and Ma 1999). Likewise, in Chinese bi comparatives which contain the bi-constituent and yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’, the degree adverb saturates the interval argument of the adjective rather than have a selectional relation with yi-dianer/yi-xie ‘a little’.