标题: | 汉语比较式条件句的句法和语意之研究 The Syntax and Semantics of Chinese Comparative Conditional |
作者: | 刘辰生 LIU CHEN-SHENG 交通大学外国语文学系 |
公开日期: | 2004 |
摘要: | 本研究的目的在探讨汉语比较式条件句(越。X。越。Y 结构)的句法和语意特性,特别 是与该结构相关的动貌特性(aspectual properties)。首先,我们将指出关联副词越有 如下的句法特色:(A)该结构中的每一个子句都带有一个不具语音形式的非完成体动貌 标记(covert imperfective aspect marker),在句法上关联副词越必须受到此一动貌 标记的认可(licensing),(B)越可被视为一个约束程度变项(degree variable)且以所 处主要/从属子句为语意范畴的运符(operator)。这两项特性的交互运作解释了第一个 越不能c-command 第二个(及其后的)越的现象。其次,我们认为汉语比较式条件句有 如下的语意特色:(A)虽然它是一种条件句,但不是比例式条件句(proportional condition);而且不允许反事实解(counterfactual reading),(B)句中的每一个子句 在语意上都带有副词性(普遍)量化(adverb of (universal) quantification)的现象, 被量化的对象是一个由两个情境变项(situation variable)所组成的配对(pair),这两 个情境变项在语意上间接导引出比较(comparison)的概念来;句中的从属子句在语意上 可被理解为restrictive domain 而nuclear domain 则由主要子句来提供,(C)在语意 上,关联副词越表示一个由下列三者所构成的关系:一个由两个情境变项所组成的配 对、不具语音形式的比较词语(既隐性的比较词语更)、和一个联系情境变项和程度之 间的关系,(D)句中的隐性非完成体动貌标记具有以不包含端点的事件/等级间歇 (interval)为观点(viewpoint)来对一个事件/等级进行陈述的能力;换言之,汉语比较 式条件句中,每个子句所表达的量都会有沿着不包含端点的事件/等级间歇(interval) 递增的现象。我们认为这些语意特性的互动关系可被用来解释汉语比较式条件句所显现 出来的动貌特性。此外,本研究进一步的支持了Sapir(1944)和McNally and Kennedy(1997)的看法:程度性(gradability)不是形容词所特有的属性,其他词类,如 动词、副词、名词、甚至介词也都具有程度性。 This project studies the syntax and semantics of the Chinese comparative conditional (henceforth the Chinese CC), especially its aspectual properties. First, we shall show that the correlative adverb yue ‘more’ has the following syntactic characteristics: (A) The correlative adverb yue occurs as an adverb that must be licensed by the covert imperfective aspect marker ASPy, and (B) it functions as a λ–operator for the degree variable, taking the clause in which occurs as scope at LF. These syntactic properties cooperate to explain why the first yue cannot c-command the second and the latter ones (if there are). Second, we shall show that the Chinese CC has the following semantic properties: (A) The Chinese CC neither allows the counterfactual reading nor involves any functional dependence between the difference degree in the antecedent clause and that in the consequent clause. (B) The Chinese CC involves universal quantification over pairs (one in each clause), and the subordinate clause enters into the restriction, similarly to the if-clause in conditionals, while the nuclear scope is provided by the matrix clause (cf. von Fintel (1994)). Furthermore, parts of the pair are situation variables, and the two variables in each clause further induce two items (i.e., two descriptions of degrees) to be compared. (C) The correlative adverb yue denotes a relation between a pair of situation variables, the implicit comparative morpheme geng ‘more’ and a relation between situation variables and degrees (cf. Beck (1997, 248)). (D) The Chinese CC involves a covert imperfective aspect marker (i.e., the aspect marker ASPy) that plays as a viewpoint. This viewpoint presents the situation denoted by each of the clause involved (or the scale denoted by the predicate of each clause involved) form the “interval” (or “sub-scale”) (I)…ti///tj…(F) that does not include any information of its endpoints (or poles). Over this “interval” or “sub-scale”, there is a positively gradual change with an ongoing input of energy. These semantic characteristics of Chinese CC work in concert towards explaining the aspectual properties shown by the Chinese CC. Consequently, our analysis has the following theoretical and empirical implications: Gradability is a property not just of adjectives, but of nouns, verbs, adverbs and prepositions as well (cf. Sapir (1944) and Kennedy and McNally (2002)). |
官方说明文件#: | NSC93-2411-H009-014 |
URI: | http://hdl.handle.net/11536/91222 https://www.grb.gov.tw/search/planDetail?id=993962&docId=186137 |
显示于类别: | Research Plans |
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