以語料庫為本之中文動詞近義詞「掛、懸、吊」之詞彙語意研究

Abstract

本研究以語料庫為本並試圖從框架語意與詞彙語意角度探討漢語近義詞「掛、懸、吊」其詞彙語意內涵與其關聯。本文欲詳究漢語近義詞「掛、懸、吊」之間之語義區辨，故藉由結合框架語意理論與構式語法之特點企圖對此三個動詞提出系統性的解釋並區分其個別動詞之特色。從法料庫發現，「掛、懸、吊」三個動詞皆有三種共享的構式:主語為主動之及物用法(Agentive-Transitive)、主語為非主動之不及物用法(Theme-Locative Intransitive) 與處所倒裝用法(Locative Inversion)。然而，這三個動詞在上述的三個構式呈現其個別不同的搭配頻率。而三個動詞與三個不同的構式有其不同偏好並可由事件性推論(eventive inference)解釋。而該事件會由三個不同連鎖事件組成: (1)使物體移動 (caused motion) (2)造成物體的位置改變 (locational change) (3)最終位於某個地點 (result of spatial configuration)。「掛、懸、吊」之動詞詞意在認知上包含了一個連鎖事件，該連鎖事件橫跨了由被移動物體的位移因、被移動物體的位置改變、被移動物體與地點的空間狀態等三個事件組成。因此，本研究提出漢語動詞近義詞組「掛、懸、吊」分別側重認知連鎖事件上的不同階段。動詞「掛」在詞頻上明顯多過「懸」與「吊」因此作為此近義詞組預設之動詞並且在三個構式上的分布也最為平均。「懸」則比較傾向描述靜止狀態性的空間關係。「吊」側重主語的主動性並且表達一它動事件。

This thesis aims to explore the lexical semantics of three Mandarin ‘hang’ verbs, guà, xuán and diào. Based on a corpus based-approach, guà, xuán and diào are found to share a common frame structuring spatial configuration which is typically realized by three constructions: Agentive-Transitive, Theme-Locative Intransitive and Locative Inversion. Incorporating Frame Semantics (Fillmore and Atkins 1992) and Constructional Grammar (Goldberg 1995), this present research attempts to decipher the semantic distinctions on the basis of Lexical-Constructional approach. Guà, xuán and diào, however, show different distributional preferences over the three types of constructions in spite of the fact that they all figure in the three common constructions. The observed lexical-constructional association of the three ‘hang’ verbs is made possible by eventive inferences from a volitional caused motion (gōng rén bǎ bì huà guà dào qiáng shàng 工人把壁畫掛到牆上 ‘The workers hung the painting on the wall.’) to locational change (huà guà zài qiáng shàng 畫掛在牆上 ‘The painting hung on the wall’) and to a result of spatial configuration (qiáng shàng guà zhe huà 牆上掛著畫 ‘On the wall hung the painting.’). Such eventive inferences can be best understood as an event chain syntactically realized with constructional variations. It is thus argued that the near-synonymous verbs, guà, xuán and diào, profile different portions of a cognitively salient event chain: guà serves as a default member of the ‘hang’ verb class with the most balanced distribution and thus implicates the whole range of the event chain; xuán inclines to predicate a stative configurational relation that is stationary in nature; and diào profiles an agentive and volitional caused motion event. The lexical specificity of the verbs can be best captured with a corpus-based, lexical-constructional approach.