閩南語動詞後否定句式「V 有/嘸 NP」之再探究

Abstract

此篇論文主要探討閩南語「V 有/嘸 NP」謂語的語義歧異現象及句法結構。此「V 有/嘸 NP」謂語結構主要涉及兩種語義：(一) 指涉恆常的特性，例如「阿明做嘸歹誌。」；(二) 指涉某單一事件的發生，例如「阿明坐嘸位。」本論文首先論證吾人可以藉由動詞後名詞組的有指/無指 (referential/non-referential) 之語意特性來決定此「V 有/嘸 NP」謂語的語義。亦即，當名詞組有指時，句子涉及某單一事件的發生；當名詞組無指時，句子則指涉某恆常的特性。此外，本論文亦提出五項原則來輔助判斷在「 V 有/嘸 NP 」謂語裡，動詞後名詞組何時可以作為有指，何時可以作為無指。 本論文並探討「V 有/嘸 NP」謂語的句法結構，以林宗宏 (2001) 之輕動詞分析為架構，論證此一謂語結構乃是由兩層動詞組 (two VP layers) 結合而成。其中，上層動詞組之核心為輕動詞 DO，用來統括只有動態動詞 (activity verb) 才能出現在此謂語結構的限制；下層動詞組，即「有/嘸」，所涉及之核心為輕動詞 GET，用來說明為何有些動態動詞與「有/嘸」可以同時出現在「V 有/嘸 NP」結構中，而有些卻不行。

This thesis investigates the semantic ambiguity and syntax of the predicate [V u/bo NP] configuration in Taiwanese Southern Min. Semantically the sentence involving the [V u/bo NP] construction is ambiguous between a generic reading and an episodic reading, and we propose that its being generic or episodic is determined by the referential/non-referential interpretation of the associated postverbal noun phrase: the sentence is generic if and only if the postverbal noun phrase is interpreted as non-referential, and the sentence is episodic if and only if the postverbal noun phrase is interpreted as referential. We further provide five principles to pin down the referentiality of the postverbal noun phrase with respect to the predicate [V u/bo NP] construction. Syntactically we will show that the predicate [V u/bo NP] is not a resultative verbal compound (Huang 2003, Wang 2008). Instead, based on Lin (2001), we argue that the predicate [V u/bo NP] is a phrasal structure composed of two VP layers, where the higher V is headed by the light verb DO and that the lower V is headed by the light verb GET.