閩南語否定詞的一致性分析

Abstract

本篇論文主要在探討台灣閩南語原始否定詞的數量。閩南語中有六個否定詞，像是「唔」、「無」、「勿會」、「勿愛」、「莫」、「別」，但其中只有三個被視為原始否定詞，即句式否定詞「唔」、詞項否定詞「唔」和「無」；而其他的否定詞，皆由句式否定詞「唔」否定其他語素，再經兩者語音結合變化而來，此類亦視為句式否定詞的範疇。除此之外，文中觀察出句式否定詞必須在特定句構中: [m X predicate]中出現，句構中的X可以是時態輕動詞「有」、動詞「是」、或是外顯、隱藏的情態助動詞。為了進一步探討X在[m X predicate]句構中所扮演的角色和功能，本論文沿用Higginbotham (1985) 所提出的理論:「一個事件中會含有一個E(E position)且其對等到一個隱含的論元(hidden argument)」，並且將「有」、動詞「是」、和外顯或隱藏的情態助動詞分析為驅動語素，意指其驅動一個時態來約束在句子中隱含的論元，而此論元可以是一個事件、狀態或程度，這樣的約束機制亦稱為非選擇性約束 (unselective binding)。

The purpose of this thesis is to see how many of Taiwanese negation markers are the primitive ones? Although in TSM there are six negation markers: m ‘not’, beh ‘not’, bo ‘not’, buai ‘not’, mai ‘not’, and mmo ‘not’, only three of them are primitive negative ones such as the sentential negation marker m, the lexical negation m-, and the lexical negation bo-. In other words, the others are derived from fusing the sentential negation marker m with other elements, like u and modals. Besides, the study shows that the sentential negation marker m has to co-occur with an abstract modal beh ‘want’, and the verb si ‘be’. Since m needs to be followed by these elements, it is possible for us to generate a structure [m X predicate] in which X could be u, covert/overt modals, and si. And, these three elements are analyzed as triggers which trigger an aspect to bind the hidden argument of the predicate (Higginbotham 1985). For example, si ‘be’ triggers a state to serve as an operator to bind the referential argument of the nominal expression that functions as the predicate. Also, the covert or overt auxiliary trigger a sate to function as a binder to bind the event argument. As for u, it serves as an aspectual light verb triggering a stative aspect that unselectively binds an event, a situation, or the degree argument of the verbal or the adjectival predicate.