完整後設資料紀錄
DC 欄位 | 值 | 語言 |
---|---|---|
dc.contributor.author | 楊謦瑜 | en_US |
dc.contributor.author | Yang, Ching-Yu | en_US |
dc.contributor.author | 劉辰生 | en_US |
dc.contributor.author | Liu, Chen-Sheng | en_US |
dc.date.accessioned | 2014-12-12T01:32:38Z | - |
dc.date.available | 2014-12-12T01:32:38Z | - |
dc.date.issued | 2009 | en_US |
dc.identifier.uri | http://140.113.39.130/cdrfb3/record/nctu/#GT079645518 | en_US |
dc.identifier.uri | http://hdl.handle.net/11536/43173 | - |
dc.description.abstract | 此篇論文探討閩南語程度結構“kah句式”的句法結構與語義特質,以及其空補語的性質與認可條件(licensing condition)。“kah 句式”有二個特性。第一,補語必須表達出極高程度的語義;第二,-kah的補語可為一般補語或是空補語。然而,過去的研究,包含H.-L. Lin (2003)及W.-A. Wang (2010),皆未解釋以上二個現象。Lin (2003)針對“kah句式”提出一套非一致性的分析(diverse analysis),但沒有考慮到閩南語修飾語的語序,以及空補語在“kah句式”中的普及性。Wang (2010)認為-kah為補語標記(complementizer),但其分析面臨了以下的問題。第一,-kah能帶名詞補語;第二,-kah與屬於中心語居前的補語標記(head-initial complementizer)在本質上是不同的。為了解決上述問題與掌握“kah句式”的特性,句法結構上,本文採納C.-T. Huang (2006)對漢語結果句式(resultatives)的分析,提出-kah為“kah句式”的主要謂語,可選擇一個名詞、子句、代詞或是無語音形式的成分當補語,而-kah前方的謂語,則為修飾語。語義上,針對補語必須表達出極高程度的現象,Doetjes (1997)認為程度動詞(scalar verb)和名詞中存在一個尚未滿足的表量變項(quantity-position),以及程度形容詞(scalar adjective)中存在一個尚未滿足的表質變項(grade-position),本文採用她的看法,提出補語的指定語位(specifier)中存在一個運符(operator),其工作是無擇約束(unselectively binds)補語中程度變項,進而得到高程度的語義;接下來,此運符給予-kah前方謂語中尚未滿足的表量變項或表質變項極高程度的值,藉由此機制,“kah句式”即擁有極高程度的語義。至於空補語的類別,此空補語為一個代詞性無語音形式的成分(Pro),原因如下:第一,此空補語必須出現在一個高度語義相關的語境下,如同C.-S. Liu(2004)提出的隱性消極言談代詞(empty antilogophor);第二,此空補語可以擁用回指語義(anaphoric reading)與絕對語義(arbitrary reading);第三,此空補語可和疑問詞共現;第四,此空補語前方-kah的音調為本調。因此,身為代詞性無語音形式的成分,此空補語必須遵守認可條件(licensing condition)與識別準則(identification convention)。主要謂語-kah對其後的補語有語義選擇,故帶有很強的語義特徵,藉此可以核准其後的空補語,並給予其語義內涵。此分析進而能解釋為何像閩南語般缺乏呼應標記(agreement marker)和格位標記的語言能予許空補語的存在。 | zh_TW |
dc.description.abstract | This thesis is about the syntax and semantics of the Taiwanese kah construction and the nature of its null complement with the attempt of contributing to the system of the empty category in human languages. There are two important properties of the Taiwanese kah construction. Firstly, the complement should denote an extraordinary high tone sense. Secondly, the construction can occur in the form, where the complement is overt, and the form, where the complement is not phonetically realized. However, previous studies, including H.-L. Lin (2003) and C.-A. Wang (2010), does not provide an explanation for those phenomena. Lin (2003) proposes a diverse approach to analyze the construction, which is challenged by the phrasal structure of Taiwanese, and the productivity of the null complement following -kah. Wang (2010) argues that -kah is the head of the embedded CP which is the complement of the main predicate, but his analysis faces the problems of the permission of NP complements, the clitic property of -kah, and the essence of the head-initial complementizer in Taiwanese. In order to solve the problems of the previous analyses and capture the properties of the construction, syntactically, I propose a unified analysis of the Taiwanese kah construction based on C.-T. Huang (2006)’s analysis of Mandarin resultatives. The main verb is -kah, which expresses the main event change-of-state, and V1, which adjoins to -kah, expresses the manner of the main event. Besides, the complement of -kah is a CP, NP, proform or null complement. Semantically, -kah requires the complement to express an extraordinary high tone sense. Doetjes (1997) argues that the open g-position of scalar adjectives and the open q-position of scalar verbs and nouns can be saturated by theta-identification or theta-binding. Following her argument, I propose that there is an operator in the specifier of the CP or NP complement which unselectively binds the degree variable of scalar predicates or nouns, or the degree variable which is entailed by the exaggeration expression or metaphorical expression. Then, the operator expressing high degree sense theta-identifies with the open g-position or q-position of V1, and the Taiwanese kah construction can express a very high degree sense. As far as the nature of the null complement is concerned, the null complement is a Pro since (i) it should occur in a pragmatic oriented environment just like the empty antilogophor proposed by C.-S. Liu (2004), (ii) it has the arbitrary reading and the anaphoric reading referring to the context, (iii) it can cooccur with the overt wh-element, and (iv) it does not trigger the tone sandhi. The null complement Pro is licensed by the verb -kah with strong semantic features, which require the complement to denote an extraordinary high tone sense, and Pro identifies with the semantic features on -kah. This proposal offers a licensing condition and an identification convention of the null object Pro in the languages without the rich agreement system and overt case markers like Taiwanese. | en_US |
dc.language.iso | en_US | en_US |
dc.subject | 程度結構 | zh_TW |
dc.subject | 空補語 | zh_TW |
dc.subject | 空代詞 | zh_TW |
dc.subject | extent construction | en_US |
dc.subject | null complement | en_US |
dc.subject | Pro | en_US |
dc.title | 閩南語Kah句式之空補語探究 | zh_TW |
dc.title | The Null Complement in the Taiwanese Kah Construction | en_US |
dc.type | Thesis | en_US |
dc.contributor.department | 外國語文學系外國文學與語言學碩士班 | zh_TW |
顯示於類別: | 畢業論文 |