構式與詞彙語意之互動：以漢語雙賓句「給」之隱現為例

Abstract

漢語以帶「給」或不帶「給」的雙賓句式表示給予(giving)或施惠(beneficiary)的意義。過往論著如Li and Thompson (1981)、F. Liu(2006)、Tsao(2008, ms)等，皆以動詞表示給予或施惠意時是否需要在動詞後加「給」為動詞分類的依據、並進一步分析各別類型動詞之通性。但其涵蓋面不足、預測力不佳；部分列為「禁止加『給』」的雙賓動詞，例如「搶」，在加入後卻為合法句、且母語者仍可理解其義，如「他搶給銀行兩萬塊錢」。 為此，本論文以構式語法(Construction Grammar)方法分析漢語各動詞以雙賓句表達「移轉╱傳遞」(Transference)時的句構及各論元的語意角色。本論文主張，漢語移轉╱傳遞構式(construction of transference)的事件結構為「X使Y趨向Z或離開Z」，其定義句構(defining pattern)為X-V-Z-Y、且句中不得有「給」；Y趨向Z或離開Z由動詞決定。「給」與主詞、兩受詞、動詞之間的語意配搭關係足以決定句子合法度及理解方式：「租」之主詞為可出租人或承租人，但「租給」的主詞必為出租人；「搶」的主詞為移轉╱傳遞動作之終點(Goal)，但「搶給」的主詞變成起點(Source)；如「我燒給雅各一隻瓷花瓶」中，雅各可能活著，但「我燒給雅各一臺電腦」中，雅各必然已死；「我吃給他一碗飯」不合法，因不能以「吃」完成移轉╱傳遞動作。本文亦證明複合動詞「V給」中「給」是主要動詞、「V」為「給」的方式，且Chen (2005)所提「雙賓家族」之概念可行。更顯示「動詞加動量補語」句型，如「歇他兩個晚上」，為移轉╱傳遞構式之衍生用法。 本文建議未來研究者以語料庫為主要工具，進行共時與歷時之量化研究，並以Newman (2005)提出之架構輔助歷時分析。

The meaning of giving or beneficiary is expressed in Mandarin with ditransitive constructions with or without the coverb gei ‘give.’ Li and Thompson (1981), F. Liu (2006) and Tsao (2008, ms), inter alia, classified verbs according to whether they must or must not be followed by gei to express giving of beneficiary within the sentence and sought common features in each category. This method had small coverage and low predictability, and certain ditransitive verbs in gei-forbidden category, like qiang ‘to rob,’ will yield grammatical sentences understood by native speakers when followed by gei: ta qiang gei yinhang liang-wan quai qian ‘S/he robbed $20,000 to give to the bank.’ In the spirit of Construction Grammar, I analyzed the sentence patterns and the semantic roles of each argument when Mandarin verbs express transference or beneficiary with a ditransitive construction and proposed a prototypical Mandarin construction of transference. The event structure is ‘X causes Y to move to Z or from Z;’ the defining pattern is X-V-Z-Y, where gei must be absent; the direction of Y is determined by the verb. The meanings of the subject, two objects, gei jointly affects the grammaticality and the reading of the sentence: the subject of zu ‘to rent’ can be the landlord or the tenant, but that of zu-gei ‘to rent to’ can only be the landlord. The head of compound verb V-gei is gei while V is the manner. The structure ‘V-O-quantifier,’ such as da ta san quan ‘gave him/her three punches,’ emerged from this construction. This thesis provided support to the proposal to treat ditransitive constructions as a family (Chen 2005). Corpus-based synchronic and diachronic research is recommended for further study. The four domains in Newman (2005) may be applied in diachronic researches.