標題: 台語聲調錯誤研究
On Taiwanese Tone Errors
作者: 陳怡芬
Chen, Yi-fen
許慧娟 
Professor Hui-chuan Hsu
外國語文學系外國文學與語言學碩士班
關鍵字: 聲調錯誤;焦點;自主音段;中平調;變調;心理真實性;tone errors;focus;autosegment;mid level tone;tone sandhi;psychological reality
公開日期: 2004
摘要: 一如音段語誤,聲調語誤同樣提供語言的外部證據,從而引領有關抽象的語言單位或結構的心理真實性、處理歷程或構音機制諸多面向的探索。本文以語料庫為基礎,對於台語聲調語誤提出一些初步觀察並檢驗相關音韻理論。英語重音錯誤顯示出重音在調群(tone-group)內扮演組織者(organizer)的角色,重音節常誘發逆向同化。而且,同一個字內常見一重一輕的音節互換,少有二個非重音節互換。台語有否重音雖仍有爭議,在變調、疊稱等現象,高調常伴隨句重音(sentence stress)出現。與英語語誤研究相仿的是:台語聲調錯誤多數發生在伴隨著高調出現的焦點詞(focus)。此外,本計劃探討了三個相關的聲調議題,包括自主音段(autosegment)、中平調的性質、及變調的心理真實性。首先,聲調同化、聲調穩定性及聲調換位的證據傾向支持聲調是一自主音段。其次,同化的錯誤類型顯示中平調的底層結構應為 [L, h],亦即低調域□的高調。最後,多數的未變調錯誤顯示本調的位置較為基本、顯著,基於經濟原則未運用變調規則,間接支持台語變調的衍生假說。
Same as segmental errors, tone errors which also present external evidence to language inspire in-depth explorations into the psychological reality, the processing paths, and/or the articulatory mechanisms involved in the construction of abstract linguistic units and structures. The current study based on an errors corpus not only makes several observations which echo the universals of tone, but also points out relevant theoretical implications. Stress serves as the organizer in a tone group in English, and hence that a stressed syllable often triggers anticipation assimilation in speech errors is not surprising. In addition, syllable metathesis within a word prefers the interchange between a stressed syllable and an unstressed syllable. While the presence or absence of stress is a long-standing issue in Taiwanese, the focused syllable which mostly carries a high tone presents a frequent trigger of tone assimilation in speech errors in Taiwanese Southern Min, very much like the case in English. Three important tonal issues explored in this thesis include the autosegmental representation of tone, the nature of the mid level tone, and the psychological reality of tone sandhi. A wide array of evidence from assimilation, tonal stability, to metathesis indicates that tone presents an autosegment in Taiwanese. Evidence from assimilation also manifests the underlying representation [L, h], i.e. a low-registered high tone, for the mid level. Finally, that underapplication of sandhi rules outnumbers overapplication indirectly bespeaks the derivational approach to tone processing in Taiwanese.
URI: http://140.113.39.130/cdrfb3/record/nctu/#GT009145519
http://hdl.handle.net/11536/60846
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