客家語及漢語中的程度性疑問句

Abstract

此篇論文最主要探討客家語以及漢語中帶有程度性疑問句的句法結構以及語意特徵，帶有程度性的疑問句主要有兩種，一是問程度動詞或程度形容詞的程度疑問句(gradability questions)，客家語用「幾」表達，漢語用「多」表達；二是問名詞的量的程度性疑問句(quantity questions)，客家語用「幾多」表達，漢語用「多少」或是「幾」表達。首先，透過古代漢語到近代漢語的語料，我們可以推論，漢語的程度結構由單層結構轉變成多層結構，因此，我們對於現代客語以及現代漢語都提出了雙層結構的句法架構。在客家語中，「幾」做為一個程度運符(degree operator)，投射出整個程度片語的架構JP，JP下層是QP，QP則選擇程度性的謂語，或是表達量的名詞，當QP的中心語是「多」時，「多」限制其補語必須帶上表量的變項(quantity variable)，而能帶上此變項的通常為名詞，「多」則複製名詞所帶的表量變項，並與程度運符形成約束的關係；而當QP的中心語為隱性的「多」時(covert DO)，其功能在於約束後頭能出現的變項必須是表質的變項(grade variable)，也就是程度性謂語所帶的變項，這時程度性謂語上移到隱性「多」的位置，與程度運符形成約束關係。在現代漢語中，投射出JP的程度運符是「多」，當QP的中心語是「少」時，「少」限制其補語帶上表量變項並進而複製之，與運符形成約束的關係，當QP的中心語不是「少」時，帶有表質變項的程度性謂語便可出現，並且上移到QP中心語的位置，和程度運符形成約束關係。除此之外，就語意特質上來說，我們認為客家語中的「多」以及漢語中的「少」都是帶有程度性的指定語(scalar determiner)(Hackle, 2000)。另外，根據語料我們可以發現，當程度性疑問句出現時，島嶼現象(island effect)並沒有隨之出現，由此可以推論，句子形成問句的方式是透過在CP上表疑問運符(question operator)的無擇約束關係(unselective binding)。

This thesis examines syntax structure and semantic properties of degree systems in Hakka and Mandarin Chinese. Two types of degree questions are on the concern: gradability questions (expressed with gid in Hakka and duo in Mandarin Chinese) and quantity questions (expressed with gid-do in Hakka and duo-shao in Mandarin Chinese). At the first place, to make the research become more comprehensive and diachronic, a brief introduction to the degree system in ancient Chinese is presented. It is found that a degree system in old Chinese projects a single layer but evolves into multiple layers in early Chinese. A multiple layer configuration for both Hakka and Mandarin Chinese is thus proposed here. In Hakka, it is shown that gid, which is a degree operator that needs to bind a degree variable, heads JP and do heads QP in Hakka degree system. Hakka do has two allomorphs; one is the overt do which selects and copies a grade variable in quantity questions; the other one is a covert DO which regulates the following predicate to be verbal rather than nominal. As for the degree system in Mandarin Chinese, it is proposed that duo is the degree operator heads JP in both types of questions. In quantity questions, QP is inserted with shao whose function is to copy the quantity variable from a noun. Then a local binding relation is established between duo and shao. Semantically, the role of the overt do in Hakka and that of shao in Mandarin Chinese are both being viewed as scalar determiners in degree questions. Lastly, I will also discuss the island effect in degree questions. The reason that degree questions in Hakka and Mandarin Chinese do not present island effect is because that the degree word does not move to the highest CP for checking question feature; instead, the question meaning is derived through binding from a question operator at [Spec CP] at LF.