中文動詞詞彙語意網的建構：移動動詞的語意類型研究

Abstract

「中文動詞語意網」的前五期計劃已完成「溝通類」「認知類」、「感知類」、「情緒類」與「互動性評價類」動詞的詞彙語意與句法表現之互動研究。藉由研究此七大範疇動詞框架的定義與概念，釐清各框架內部的語法語意區別，並進一步分析次框架及近義詞組的類型。並經由框架理論（Frame Semantics）建構出分類的階層與剖析原則外，同時亦擴大框架理論的研究範圍，涵蓋概念結構（conceptual schema）、基本句式（defining pattern）與共現模式（collocational association）的分析，深化框架成分的區辨性。在前期成果的基礎下，本計畫將繼續擴展動詞語意的系統性研究，深入而全面地探討人類認知範疇中最基本且重要的知識領域：移動動詞 (motion verbs) 。移動動詞基本上分為三大類: 自動、他動、及二者兼具。將以三年為期, 分別剖析者這三大類的特質與屬性。 第一年是探討「自動動詞」(Self-motion verbs)，如: 跑、跳、走、動等, 為典型的單一論元謂語(one-place predicate)結構，用於描述具有生命的(sentient), 有自身意願的(volition), 或有活動力(kenesis)的移動物體(Moving entity) 所進行的移動, 通常以不及物句式出現。研究的課題則以語法語意語用上的共現特徵及句式結構為出發, 根據框架語意學及最新的詞彙/語法構式化理論(Traughott 2010), 探討各動詞類型的原型概念及所呈現的語法/語意相互連結的共性與特性。如自動移動物體(Moving entity)通常作為主語，常與意願情態(deontic modality) 或方式副詞(manner )合用。基本句式的定義亦包括框架為本的參與角色類型, 如表路徑(PATH)、場地(GROUND) 、起點(SOURCE)、終點(GOAL)、時長(DURATION)等地出現特徵。根據基本句式（defining pattern）,共現模式（collocational association）及角色範疇的異同，自動動詞可進一步區分為不同的語意細類，本研究將延續「中文動詞語意網」所建立的分類階層與剖析原則，根據真實語料，進行細緻的語意分析。 第二年探討「他動動詞」(Caused motion verbs)，如: 踢, 投, 推, 搬等, 此類動詞基本上牽涉兩個獨立的語意角色 - 施力者(Agent)與被移動物體(Moved entity)，分別出現在主語及賓語位置，或出現在把字句，顯示高度及物性。在不同的訊息結構中(information structure)，原型概念中的施事者與受試者可有進一步的語義延伸,，而被移動物體(Moved entity)亦可出現在啟動式(inchoative)作為受事主語([骨頭/Moved entity]都丟在那裡)。他動動詞根據框架成份的異同, 基本句式的表現，及共現模式的分布可進一步釐清其語意次類及事件類型結構，即為第二年的研究主題。 第三年探索同時可作自動與他動雙重功能的動詞(Dual-function motion verbs),如: 移/移動 (vs. 搬動), 開/關, 升/降等, 並更深入進行理論上的探討。雙重功能動詞常有語意細類的講究, 如: a. 他在擠公車 > 公車很擠 b. 他在擠牙膏 > 牙膏擠不出來。本年研究主題為細究這些具有雙重功能的動詞在概念結構、構詞、及語意語法的特性上有何異同, 句式變換的關鍵成分又為何? 此外, 綜括三年的研究成果, 將提出一個總結漢語移動動詞語意組合的漸進式圖像序列(iconic sequencing), 以反映人類認知空間位移的先後順序, 如: a. 他跑出/*出跑家門; b.我去到/*到去二樓。空間位移事件中，分別牽涉位移的方式(manner)、路徑(path)、方向(direction)、結束點(endpoint)、最後抵達的標的位置(landmark)，漢語移動動詞包含特定的語意成分，反映行動事件的自然漸進性，並且主宰中文行動動詞的圖像序列。 另一個研究議題為移動事件框架成份呈現的語意延伸(semantic extension)，包括直接終點(direct goal)到延伸終點(extended goal)，如「上車」>「上台北」；具體終點(concrete goal)到抽象終點(metaphorical goal)，如「上飛機」>「上課」；空間目標(spatial endpoint)到意願的目標(intentional purpose)，如「去大陸」>「去喝咖啡」>「我拿這本書去給他」。 本研究採語料庫為本的統計方式，進行構詞、句法及各種共現模式的分佈統計，前 兩年就「自動動詞」(Self motion verbs)與「他動動詞」(Caused motion verbs)分別進行語意類型階層性研究，第三年更深入探討雙重功能動詞(Dual motion verbs)的範圍及特性、框架成份發展的語意延伸(semantic extension)與移動動詞的漸進式圖像序列(iconic sequencing)，希望藉著深入探討各個次類移動動詞的語意、語法特徵，為語言類型學研究提出更細緻的分析。

The Mandarin VerbNet Project has investigated seven major verb classes in the conceptual domains of communication, cognition, perception, emotion, judgment, verbal evaluation and social interaction. Following Frame Semantics (Fillmore & Atkins 1992), a hierarchically-structured semantic taxonomy has been proposed with consistent, clearly defined operational principles concerning conceptual schemas, frame elements, basic patterns, collocational associations, and semantic attributes based on corpora observations to better capture the conceptualization of various scopes of Mandarin verb and their interrelationships (Liu, Chiang & Chang 2004, Liu & Wu 2003, Liu 2002). To expand the scope of the current Mandarin VerbNet Project, the current proposal aims to investigate verbs of MOTION, one of the fundamental domain of human activities and one of the extensively discussed topics in linguistic research. Cross-linguistically, motion involves MANNER, PATH, GROUND and FIGURE; languages can be classified as a verb-framed language, satellite-framed language or equipollently-frame language based on distinct lexicalization patterns (Slobin 2004, Talmy 2000, 1985). According to the study on English motion verbs in FrameNet (framenet.icsi.berkeley.edu/), a number of semantic roles are involved in motion events, including THEME, GROUND, SOURCE, GOAL, PATH, DIRECTION, and nearly 20 different motion frames are classified that specify sub-types of motion or make reference to the concept in motion. However, there has not yet been a comprehensive study of Mandarin motion verbs with a focus on semantic types based on morphological, grammatical and discourse properties in the light of frame semantics and the most current theory of constructionalization (Traugott 2010). There are basically three major types of motion verbs: self-initiated motion, caused motion and verbs pertaining to both. The project plans to spend three years to thoroughly investigate each of the three types and sum up the motion contour with an over-arching conceptual schema that will allow a deep understanding of the Mandarin-specific lexicalization patterns of motion verbs:  1st year – Self-Motion Verbs Self-motion verbs are featured with the volitional moving entity, occupying the subject position. Additional NP or PP are often observed to complement the motion event, such as chu qu 出去 ‘out’ for PATH, caochang 操場 ‘playground’ for GROUND, nabian 那邊 ‘there’ for SOURCE, san ge xiaoshi 三個小時 ‘three hours’ for DURATION. The tasks of our analysis include both a top-down and bottom-up approach. For a top-down analysis, a iconic prototype of motion events will be proposed to account for event contour of motion. The bottom-up analysis relies heavily on corpus observations of lexical and grammatical collocations. For example, while the GOAL-NP can immediately follow verbs such as hui 回 ‘return’ and jin 進 ‘enter’, it occurs as PP for pao 跑 ‘run’ and zuo 走 ‘walk’. Corpora data will be carefully examined to tease out the grammatical and semantic characteristics of self motion verbs in order to classify the event types according to the established operational principles for the Mandarin VerbNet.  2nd year – Caused Motion Verbs Caused motion verbs such as 踢, 投, 推, 搬, are typically two-place predicates with an external causing Agent in the subject position as well as a non-volitional Moved entity in the object position. They can also occur in the disposal sentence signaling high transitivity.[Agent他]把[Move entity球]丟了[Path出去] ‘He threw a ball.’ The Moved entity can also occur in an inchoative construction, with the external Agent backgrounded . [Move entity球]丟了[Path出去] ‘The ball was thrown out.’ The tasks of our analysis include: 1) coming up with a top-down prototype of caused motion contour and characterizing each sub-class according to the conceptual schema, with defining constructional patterns and frame-specific semantic elements; 2) bottom-up aligning of corpus-based lexical and grammatical collocational patterns for detailed classification.  3rd year - Dual-function motion verbs A class of motion verbs may express both self-initiated and caused motions, such as 移 /移動 (but not 搬動), 開/關, 升/降and others. Constructional alternations will be compared with the expression of different roles and both unergative and unaccusative motions verbs will be investigated in detail. The aim is to find out fine-grained semantic features that underlie the grammatically observable distinctions in their morphosyntactic behavior. In addition, the three-part research also aims to achieve the following: 1) Proposing an iconic sequencing of motional progression, as the basis to account for the stacking of motion verbs in Mandarin. Motion events seems to follow a linear order of sequencing by startin from the specification of manner, then path, direction, endpoint, and the final landmark, with optional deictic orientation (with 來/去), as it is mirrored in the linguistic sequence of pao chu 跑出 ‘run-out’ instead of chu pao 出跑 ‘out-run’, and qu dao 去到 ‘go-arrive’ instead of dao qu 到去 ‘arrive-go’. 2) Accounting for Semantic extensions Various types of semantic extension of motion verbs are observed, such From direct Goal to extended GOAL/SOURCE: a. 上/下[Direct Source車] b. 上/下[Extended Goal高雄] From concrete to metaphorical GOAL/SOURCE a. 上/下[Concrete Source飛機] b. 上/下[Metaphorical Source課] From spatial end-point to intentional purpose a. 我去[Spatial大陸] b. 我去[Intentional喝咖啡] c. 我拿這本書去[Intentional給他] From eventive to stative predicates a. 擠公車 ‘to jam in the bus’ b. 公車很擠 ‘The bus is crowded.’ In sum, the current project is a systematic and large-scale exploration of Mandarin motion verbs. Following the previously established criteria for frame specifications, sub-classes of motion verbs will be distinguished and defined with clear grammatical and semantic features. The project will also probe into the conceptual schema of sequencing motions sub-events as iconically reflected by Mandarin motion verb clusters as well as theoretically significant issues concerning role coercion and metaphorical extensions.