漢語形容詞的量與量詞間互動關係之研究

Abstract

本研究計畫的目的在探討類似（1a-b）這種「數-量-形」字串的語法和語意特性，特別 是字串中「形容詞」部分所表達的性質為什麽無法藉由標準度量衡量詞來加以衡量。 （1） a. 一片黑 b. 一/幾絲紅 （2） a. 兩公斤糖 b. 兩米高 透過這個研究，我們將論證下列這五個點：（一）這種「數-量-形」字串中的「形容詞」 部分在詞類上屬形容詞。（二）這種「數-量-形」字串在語意上表達了字串中形容詞所 表性質的量。（三）能夠出現在這種字串中的量詞可被區分為兩類：一類包含了具有顯 著物理特徵（如「外型」）的量詞，另一類則包含了可表時間長短的量詞。（四）字串中 的量詞透過所擁有的相關物理特徵（如體積大小或時間長短）所定義的「空間」外表面 積或「時段」的長短來衡量相關性質量的大小。（五）字串所表性質量的大小進一步決 定了字串中的數詞是「一」、「幾」或是兩者皆可。首先，例句（3a）和（3b）的對比為 「數-量-形」字串在語意上表達字串中「形容詞」所表性質的量提供了強有力的證據。 （3） a. 張太太雖然穿著一身紅，還好沒有紅到令人無法接受。 b. ＊張太太雖然穿著一身紅，不過袖子還是白的。 （3b）的不恰當性很清楚地點出了（3a）所描述的是性質紅的量語意解（即張太太衣著 外表是紅色的比例達到百分之一百）。因為例句（3a）傳達量語意而非程度語意，所以 語句允許性質「紅」與「紅」的典型性質間的接近性可以有一定的誤差存在，這可從（3a） 的後半句獲得印證。雖然「一身紅」所傳達的表量語意解也可透過假設「紅」已經名物 化為一個帶有量論元的不可數名詞來加以推導得出，但是下面的證據告訴我們（3a）中 的「紅」不應被分析為名詞。（一）若將「紅」分析為名詞的話，我們將無法解釋為什 麽否定詞「不」可以修飾「一團和氣」。 （4） a. 大夥要不一團和氣的話，就會被人看出破綻。 b. ＊大夥要不一家人的話，就會被人看出破綻。 （二）漢語的「數-量-名」字串在充當謂語時，前面要有聯繫動詞「是」，但「數-量- 形」字串卻不受此限制。 （5） a. 外頭＊（是）一座院子。 b. 外頭（是）一片漆黑。 所以「數-量-形」字串「一片紅」有著像（6）這樣的句法結構，當中量詞「片」以形 容詞「紅」為補述語。 （6） [NumP 一 [ClP [Cl＇ [Cl 片] [AP 紅]]] ] 結構中的量詞「片」透過其表外型的物理特徵定義出一個平面二度空間，並以此空間的 外表面積在多大部分上擁有「紅」這個性質來衡量性質「紅」的量。本研究有兩個重要 的推論：（一）「名量詞」應被定義為以帶有[＋N]（即[＋名物性]）屬性的詞類為補述 語的量詞。（二）依論元選擇的不同，漢語形容詞可以被區分為四類。

This project studies the syntax and semantics of the numeral-classifier-‘adjective’ (i.e., NCA) sequences like (1a-b), where the quality denoted by the ‘adjective’ cannot be measured by a standard measure classifier (cf. Liu (2004)). (1) a. yi pian hong/huohong/honghongde b. yi/ji si fennu one CL red/fire-red/red-red one/few CL angry ‘a pall of redness’ ‘a/few sense of anger’ The main themes I argue for include: (A) an NCA sequence functions to denote the quantity of the quality denoted by the ‘adjective’ through the ‘classifier’ contained; (B) classifiers occurring in NCA sequences can be divided into two types: type A includes those with some salient physical features (e.g., shape or size) while type B those denoting the temporal duration; (C) the amount of quantity is indirectly determined by the size of the ‘space’ provided by the physical feature of type A classifiers or the length of temporal duration provided by type B classifiers; and (D) the largeness of the quantity functions as a crucial factor in determining which numeral (i.e., yi ‘one’ or ji ‘few’) can be used in NCA sequences. The assumption that gradable adjectives might carry a quantity or a quality argument gets evidence from the contrast below (cf. Kennedy & McNally (2010)). (2) a. Zhang taitai suiran chuanzhuo yi shen hong, haihao meiyou hong dao ling Zhang Ms. though dressing one CL red but not red to make ren wufa jieshou. person cannot accept ‘Although the outside extent of Ms. Zhang’s dressing is completely covered by the color of red, it is not red to an extent that no one can accept it.’ b. *Zhang taitai suiran chuanzhuo yi shen hong, buguo xiuzi que shi bai de. Zhang Ms. though dressing one CL red but sleeve but is white DE ‘Although the outside extent of Ms. Zhang’s dressing is completely covered by the color of red, the sleeves are white.’ That is, as the indeterminacy on the degree of redness shown by (2a) as well as the infelicitousness of (2b) indicates, the NCA sequence yi shen hong ‘one CL/body red’ in (2a-b) conveys a quantity rather than a degree reading. The assumption that the classifier of NCA sequences takes an AP rather than an NP as complement is supported by the fact that an NCA sequence can be modified by the negation marker bu ‘not’ and that the copular verb shi ‘is’ is optional for a predicative NCA sequence. (3) Dahuo bu yi tuan heqi/*bu yi jia ren dehua, jiu hui bei ren kanchu Everyone not one CL friendly/*not one CL people SFP then will BEI people see pozhan. weak-point ‘If all of us cannot show an atmosphere of being friendly, then people will find our weak points.’ (4) Waitou (shi) yi pian (qi)hei. Outside is one CL inky-dark ‘The outside is a pall of inky darkness.’ Take the NCA sequence [NumP yi [ClP pian [AP hong]]] ‘one CL red’ as example to show how the quantity reading is obtained; the classifier pian denotes a thin and flat two- dimensional space, and this space is used as a ‘measure’ to evaluate the quantity of the red quality by ‘indicating’ how much of the outside extent of this space is ‘covered’ by the red quality. This study has the following implications: (A) the nominal classifier is one that takes a [+N] category as complement, and (B) (Chinese) adjectives can be divided into four different types, depending on the type of argument (i.e., the quality or the quantity argument) they might take.